Johannesburg - Trevor Ghavala has grown up in post-apartheid
South Africa, and like nearly half his young adult contemporaries he is
unemployed and has little chance of escaping a social underclass in which
millions are trapped.
"I don't have a job... I've never had a job. I've been
asking people, doing crime," said Ghavala, 24, chewing on a piece of bread
as he squatted with his back to a wall in a central street in Soweto.
The ANC, the anti-apartheid liberation movement turned ruling
party, came to power in 1994 promising to help people like Ghavala.
But after 17 years running Africa's biggest economy, critics
say it has done more to enrich its leading members and allies than to help the
poor masses.
At the weekend, it will hold a lavish birthday bash to
celebrate its 100th anniversary with a golf tournament, banquets and concerts
by the biggest stars in South African music while people like Ghavala struggle
to eke out a living.
"I wish that Madiba was fresh back," Ghavala said,
in a reference to former president and anti-apartheid icon Nelson Mandela who
in a blaze of international goodwill led South Africa into a new era of
multiracial democracy.
Mandela, elected president of the ANC after it was unbanned
and he was freed from jail, led the country from 1994-1999. His departure from
power was seen as an example to African leaders, although the movement sees
itself ruling for years to come.
It beat its nearest rival by more than 40 percentage points
in elections last year, but analysts warn the party faces a defining moment in
the next three years or so.
They say that if the ANC government keeps up its current
policies, South Africa risks slipping to new depths of unemployment, debt and
corruption that could swell the ranks of the destitute like Ghavala and
undermine long-term prospects.
Critics say President Jacob Zuma, an ANC veteran and
political backstreet brawler both before and since taking office in 2009, has
been a virtual bystander when it comes to tackling the country's deep social
and economic problems.
"We are deeply concerned about the current trajectory.
A rapid turnaround would be required in Zuma's next term," said Neren Rau,
the chief executive of the South African Chamber of Commerce and Industry.
ANC put to the test
The ANC says it has made big strides in erasing the economic
and social injustices caused by decades of oppression of the black majority by
a white minority under apartheid.
The government says that when the ANC took over in 1994, 62%
of households had access to clean water and about 50% had access to
electricity. This has increased to nearly 95% and about 80%, it says.
Underpinning the economy is the most advanced infrastructure
on the continent, the strongest banks and a well-developed rule of law and
judicial system, making South Africa a stepping stone for investment in
Africa's quickly emerging states.
One constant that has kept the ANC government on the fiscal
straight and narrow and reassured investors has been the National Treasury, led
since 1994 by just two finance ministers highly praised for their fiscal
discipline.
The World Economic Forum's Global Competitiveness Survey
ranks South Africa as top in the world for its regulation of its security
exchanges, number two in the world behind Canada for the soundness of its
banks. It is also one of the easiest places for a firm to raise money by issuing
shares.
But the same survey also said South Africa has some of the
world's most rigid labour laws, one of its least productive workforces and a
broken school system that is staggeringly bad at educating its students, given
the money spent on it.
At the end of 2012, Zuma faces a party leadership election.
Despite a leadership style criticised as lacking vision and ineffectual, he is
widely expected to garner enough support in the fractious party to win a second
term as party chief and then stay on as national president until 2019.
Against this background, analysts do not expect him to rock
the boat and upset left-leaning allies with pro-business reforms such as
loosening the labour market and state economic controls.
"As it approaches almost two decades in power and
demands for economic delivery grow more strident, the party's ability to hold
together in the same way will increasingly be put to the test," Standard
Chartered Africa analyst Razia Khan said in a research note.
Bowing to the unions
Unemployment has been a chronic problem for the ANC and has
also contributed to an alarmingly high murder rate, among the highest in the
world outside a war zone.
About 40% of the adult population is jobless - a percentage
expected to rise substantially in the coming years - and this is seen driving
crime and widening economic inequality.
"If the same pattern of job loss continues, we will
reach very shortly, in three to five years, a situation where more people are
unemployed than employed," said Andrew Levy, who heads a leading private
labour research group.
"Economically, there will be a continually higher
burden on those who are working because government will try to do more and more
to ease the lot of the unemployed," Levy said.
ANC governments have poured billions of rands into job
training programmes, only to see much of it lost to corruption or incompetence
and the education system fails to provide basic skills.
The country has lost about a million jobs in the past two
years, with the manufacturing sector the hardest hit. Many of these jobs will
not come back because labour has priced itself out of the market.
The average factory worker in South Africa earns about six
times as much as a factory worker in China and is less efficient. Industries in
sectors which were once internationally competitive, such as footwear, have
faded.
South Africa adopted rigid labour laws in large part because
of the governing alliance between the ANC and the major union federation
Cosatu, a pact which was formed in the anti-apartheid struggle and continued
after the ANC formed a government.
Zuma and other ANC leaders have tried to keep Cosatu and its
2 million members close to them, not wanting to alienate a major source of
votes by enacting labour reforms that would make it easier for firms to hire
and fire workers.
There are four major measures before parliament aimed at
appeasing Cosatu that will be at the heart of the legislative agenda this year.
The bills place more burdens on employers, make it more difficult for them to
hire seasonal labour and drive up personnel costs.
Budget under strain
While joblessness looks set to rise, so too does the
country's growing debt as pressure mounts on the ANC to open the taps to still
more welfare spending.
The squeeze on state finances will likely push South
Africa's debt to gross domestic product (GDP) ratio above 50% in the next three
years for the first time under ANC rule, economists said. This would put the
country's credit rating under pressure and could make it more expensive to
borrow money.
"Debt levels will continue to rise as a percentage of
GDP until 2016 when they should plateau at around 55%," said Peter Attard
Montalto, emerging market economist at Nomura.
The budget is already under strain to pay the wages of more
than 1 million civil servants, many of whom belong to Cosatu-affiliated unions.
"South Africa's debt position will likely become more
precarious, especially if economic growth continues to disappoint," said
Anne Fruhauf, a specialist on Africa at political risk consultancy Eurasia
Group.
If the global economic crisis leads to slower growth in
South Africa, and lower tax revenue as a result, the government wage bill could
well reach about 50% of tax revenue within three years, leaving even less money
for other spending.
On top of this, the government plans to begin rolling out a
national health insurance programme it said will cost R125bn this year, about
13% of the state budget.
"Predator elite"
There is also a growing clamour from ANC supporters to
improve delivery of electricity, running water, schools and other basic
services to the poor. Analysts say this is undermining the ANC's voter support.
Improvements the ANC has made so far have not satisfied the
poor black majority, who see progress as too slow and complain of incompetent
local officials. Scores of violent protests have added to the pressure for
better services.
The country has also slid in Transparency International's
highly regarded gauge of perceived corruption, from 38th in the world in 2001
to 64th in 2010, a trend that worries many citizens, long-time ANC supporters
among them.
"The problem is the leaders. They must deliver, they
are corrupt," said Soweto resident Mzwandile Sifile, expressing a
widely-held view.
Corruption has also undermined investor confidence.
There is also growing anger with ANC economic empowerment
policies that were nominally designed to reverse apartheid era curbs that had
largely shut blacks out of the economy.
Many see the programmes as benefiting just a few people with
ANC connections. Cosatu has said they have lined the pockets of a corrupt
"predator elite".
"We are still waiting for the delivery," Soweto
resident Sifile said. "We are still hoping for the best."